CORRECTION TO ARTICLE BY ROTHMAN AND ESPENSHADE Julian L. Simon In their useful Fall, 1992, article, "Fiscal Impacts of Immigration to the United States", Eric S. Rothman and Thomas J. Espenshade made some incorrect statements about my work on the tax-and-transfer-payment situation of immigrants that may mislead the reader and wrongly cause one to think that my work was in error or not soundly done. 1. Rothman and Espenshade say that there was an "omission of older immigrant groups" and that this "gives a sense of incom- pleteness to Simon's findings" (p. 386). In fact, I did not omit any groups. The data on the oldest group that R and E refer to were presented in my original published report to the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy in 1981, and are stated in full in my 1989 book. These data were omitted from my 1984 article against my will because of lack of space. The editors decided that because I wrote in the article that the data are not relevant to the analysis, they could safely be omitted. I worried then that omitting the data would lead to some confusion, and that has indeed occurred, but I had to defer to the editors' decisions. As I explain in the article and the book, however, the data are not relevant for two reasons: First, at any reasonable discount factor, economic events 25 years and more in the future have little effect on current present-value-based decisions. Even more decisive, on average the older immigrants have produced grown children who pay into the system in the form of taxes the balancing amounts that their parents are withdrawing as transfer retirement payments; the immigrants' excess payments during their working lives represent a one-time windfall to the equilibrium system. The only alternative to omitting the older persons' transactions with the system (as I did) would be to include the transactions with the public coffers of their children (and grandchildren and ...!), because those persons whom the immigrants beget are a part of the stream of effects of their immigration. This obviously would be unwieldy at best. Proceeding as I did in my analysis is a more convenient and analytically acceptable substitute. 2. Rothman and Espenshade write that "Simon's method of adjusting for public goods consumption is misleading because it includes immigrants' public goods tax contributions as net benefits to natives without including natives' own contributions as net costs to themselves" (p. 386). Here R and S repeat an error made by George Borjas in his Journal of Economic Literature review of my 1989 book, a correction to which has been accepted for publication in that Journal (and see also Simon, 1995, a correction in another medium in which Borjas again made the same erroneous criticism). Borjas assumed that I was simply comparing the expenditures on immigrants from the public coffers, as measured by the survey data, to the contributions of immigrants to the public coffers in the form of their own tax payments. Such a comparison would have been flawed by the omission of public goods from the survey data. But I did not do that, as shown in my original tables. In fact, I compared the net balances in the flows for natives and immigrants against each other, hence allowing for public goods usage on a very "generous" assumption with respect to immigrants. 3. Rothman and Espenshade fault me for not breaking down the data by country of origin - "failure to separate immigrants by nationality" (p. 386). The nationality variable may be of interest in other contexts. But it is not relevant for a policy decision of the sort that arises in immigration legislation with respect to the number of persons that will be allowed into the country. There is no necessity for including such a variable, and I therefore do not include it because I feel no need to provide information on ethnicity and race that might distract attention from the variables of policy interest. 4. Rothman and Espenshade write that my "Differentiating immigrants by year of entry... is an effective method for demonstrating the effects of assimilation". I appreciate the words of praise, but my aim was not to show the effects of assimilation but rather to fulfill my assignment to the Select Commission - to make the appropriate assessment to assist in making policy decisions about the number of immigrants that are to be admitted to the United States. That assignment influenced all research decisions made in the study. REFERENCES Rothman, Eric S., and Thomas J. Espenshade, "Fiscal Impacts of Immigration to the United States", Population Index, Vol. 58 #3, Fall, 1992, pp. 381-415. Simon, Julian L. "What Immigrants Take From and Give To the Public Coffers," in U.S. Immigration Policy As The National Interest, Staff Report of the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy, Appendix, (Washington GPO, 1981). ___ "Immigrants, Taxes, and Welfare in the United States." Population and Development Review, Vol. 10, No. 1, March 1984. ___ The Economic Consequences of Immigration to the U. S. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989). ___ "Tired, Poor, On Welfare" (cont'd)", National Review, April 3, 1995 ___ "A Correction of a Review by Borjas", Journal of Econom- ic Literature, forthcoming. page 1 article5 popindex July 18, 1995